We must put an end to Badenoch's party

Had Reform given us any outward indication that it was getting its act together, I would never have taken a second look at the Tory party. I’m not tribal about these things. If the Tory party looked like it was serious then I would be the first to say so.

For a time, I was willing to give them the benefit of the doubt. There are some good MPs in the party who understand the stakes. The problem, though, is that Badenoch isn’t one of them - and she sets the direction of the party. She has concluded, with some justification, that there is no point following Reform around like a lost puppy, and is instead remodelling as a liberal centre-right party.

Here it’s necessary to understand Badenoch’s own support base. She’s popular with metropolitan liberals because of her position on the gender identity debate. She’s got a fan base of liberal women, gays, and Times Radio listeners (same difference). She’s popular with shire Tories and the affluent middle class from the places not yet polluted by “diversity”.

Her appeal extends to Lib Dems and old school Greens (from before the Greens became an Islamic revolutionary party). She is also celebrated by the Tory aristocracy (they who may sympathise with Reform but would rather die than defect) - most of whom are liberals who just love the fact Badenoch is a black conservative. As such, she was never going to be able to convincingly compete for the Reform vote. She tried it. It didn’t work. Reform voters have made up their minds.

Her recent moves explain her electoral calculus. Her recent reshuffle resurrected the careers of the One Nation rot in the party, not least opening the door to Penny Mordaunt, who appeals to a certain segment of the middle class.

I suspect the writing has been on the wall for some time. The defection of Danny Kruger was probably once such indicator. His NatCon cultural Christianity shtick was the political equivalent of farting in a lift. He must have realised that under Badenoch, we was in the far wilderness (Not that he’s found a home for it in Reform). Badenoch will have realised at this point that the conservative wing of the conservative party no longer exists in any meaningful sense.

The only reason I was willing to give Badenoch the benefit of the doubt was that she had launched her Culture and Integration Commission, said to include Toby Young and Robert Tombs. The Tories still have considerable intellectual resources to bring to bear, and often turn up some compelling stuff when they put their thinking caps on.

We were told the commission would publish an interim report, but I can’t see anything substantive. Little was said at the party conference, except for an allusion to the work of Katherine Birbalsingh. Badenoch opened the party’s conference in Birmingham with a pledge to defend the “norms and expectations” of Britain, saying that the UK risks splitting into “separatist ghettos”.

Leaving aside that Badenoch is away with the fairies, and that Britain is already split into separatist ghettos, her mention of Birbalsingh was the key tell. The liberal Tory faithful, Gove especially, absolutely loves Birbalsingh (for reasons that escape me). Interestingly, the subtitle of her new book is “How the left and right broke multiculturalism - and how to fix it”. This is pretty much where Badenoch also is coming from - and that is why the Tory party is a write off.

Looking at the Conservative party framework for dealing with these issues, they are looking to shut the sable door two decades after the horse has bolted, grown old, died, and now resides in a half-used tube of UHU glue in my desk drawer. These are solutions for 2006, not 2026. Any hope of repairing the social fabric, thin as it was, was killed off with the Boriswave.

For me, any talk of repairing multiculturalism now is for the birds. Having grown up in Bradford, you'll have a hard time persuading me it ever worked in the first place. The grooming epidemic tells you most of what you need to know.

But back then, we had a mostly homogenous society, and a manageable number of ethnic minorities, at a level where they might have integrated had immigration been managed. But not since we flung open the borders and allowed in the dregs of the third world who can't be integrated into anything - especially when they're categorically not wanted. There is no useful place in our society for low IQ South Asians and Africans with marginal language skills. All they bring is their own ethnic strife and backward customs.

There may be Londoners who have a different perception of multiculturalism, having grown up in "vibrant" parts of the city, but that's back when native Britons were still the prevailing authority. There was an order of things. Our order. But now that order is diluted and disintegrating, with the police hamstrung by notions of diversity and cultural sensitivity.

Now, you go into London and natives are nowhere to be seen, and third world imports haven't even mastered the basics of civilisation like queuing for a bus. Third worldism has displaced civilisation, and anybody who has the means to move away from it does so. No native Briton wants their own kids to be an ethnic minority in their school. It's not so much the great replacement as the great displacement.

The main “separatist enclaves” are now white Britons who want nothing to do with the “multiculturalism” that was inflicted on us. Everyone wants to escape the crime, squalor and disorder that third worlders bring with them. They migrate here to enjoy what is abolished by their presence.

Meanwhile, it is impressed upon us with menaces that we're supposed to passively accept this invasion without comment or complaint, as we're forced to compete for housing, healthcare and employment in our own homeland. All the while, our high trust society evaporates and our communities disperse. Random psychotic Africans brandishing machetes is now an every day occurrence.

The whole time the missing element of multiculturalism was our consent. It wasn't given in the first place, and our tolerance up to now has proven to be a catastrophic error. But not one we are obliged to endure. It can be reversed, and one way or another it will be. It will either be done peacefully and humanely, or the regime will continue to inflict this misery on us and it will be done some other way. We're getting to the point where I don't care which, so long as it is done. Right now, the main obstacle is the Tory party itself because it still clings on to the idea that any of this is repairable with managerial tinkering.

The split on the British right is now exclusively to do with immigration. The Tories are responsible for the Boriswave, and even if they promised to fully reverse it, we would see the same mithering about "fairness" from Tory MPs that we see from Labour backbenchers. They cannot be trusted to clean up their own mess, especially not after Badenoch's conference speech. Her undisguised contempt for Reform was a mask off moment.

But then Reform is also a problem. There is a gulf between what Reform members expect and what Farage would actually do. While Yusuf is tough on the rhetoric, Farage keeps rowing it back. In this, I have some sympathies with Farage. He's realistic about what can be achieved in the current political climate, and knows the limits of what the wider electorate will accept. Going balls to the wall on immigration is a losing proposition for his party.

Restore, meanwhile, does not accept this - and is skirting the far reaches of politically acceptable discourse. While my sympathies lean in that direction, Restore lacks the necessary realism and pragmatism. Their own deportations policy is workable, but not immediately deliverable, and the electorate is not yet ready for that conversation. It's more pragmatic to take what you can get for now.

I do understand, though, why Restore does not like or trust Farage. Farage's cautious realism is commendable, but on a more fundamental level, he keeps letting it slip that he doesn't think the damage is repairable, isn't willing to try, and doesn't care that much about it. Some men only have so much to give and he's given it. He's spent, and the new generation of right wing nationalists are not willing to accept defeat. Nor should they.

But that leaves us with something of an impasse that keeps the right out of power while Labour makes everything worse. This is a near intractable dilemma. What's clear is this doesn't get resolved by 2029. I don't know if there is a party political solution. What I do know is that the Tory party has not changed, cannot be trusted, and cannot be given the benefit of the doubt.

My feeling over the last three years is that there has to be more of a reason to vote Reform than just punishing the Tories. I was half right. It is preferable if Reform professionalises to the extent that it could form a viable government, but that's not going to happen. If, though, it continues to keep the Tories out of power then that is sufficient. The economy can wait. This dispute is over a more fundamental, existential matter where compromise is akin with surrender.

The line has to be that the Tories will not be allowed anywhere near power for as long as they are a liberal party. If that means a permanent block then so be it. It just means party politics isn't the mechanism by which this is resolved. There are other means at our disposal.

Eventually things will worsen to the extent that the public is ready for a more robust approach, and Farage will retire eventually, at which point there is likely to be more unity on the right. Farage is a big part of the problem. But once Reform, under new leadership, is unambiguous on its approach to immigration and deportations, Restore will evaporate. Reform will then have to pair up with the street protest movement to keep the system off balance until the Tories are no more. It may take a decade, but that's how it has to be. The main objective, in the interim, is to bury Badenoch's party for good.